DOM and dative in (Italo-)Romance
M. Rita Manzini, Leonardo M. Savoia, Ludovico Franco
Abstract
We aim at showing that the superficial identity of DOM internal arguments and of goal dative involves no accidental homophony or syncretism, but rather an underlying identical structure of embedding. Specifically, we conclude that DOM arguments are syntactically oblique (Section 2). We introduce the matter by detailing referential/animacy splits in Italo-Romance microvariation (Section 1.1). We show that in Italian varieties goal arguments can be introduced by prepositions different from a; the same oblique morphology is then associated with animate/definite (DOM) objects (Section 1.2). In Section 5, the existence of both leísta varieties (Ibero-Romance) and loísta varieties (in Italo- and Ibero- Romance) in clitic doubling provide further evidence in favour of a common treatment for goal and DOM datives.